SOCIAL IMPACTS
OF THE MEDIA
DURING THE
VIETNAM WAR
Patrick Blute
AP English & AP
American History
Mrs. LeVangie & Mr. Houston
March 2007
SOCIAL IMPACTS OF THE MEDIA DURING THE
VIETNAM WAR: OUTLINE
I. Introduction
a. Background
i. “Horror of War”
ii. Hollywood Manipulation
b. Thesis Statement
i. The Vietnam War was a controversial and consequential international struggle manipulated by the media in television, print, and films.
II. Extent of Television on War Coverage
a. The “Living Room War”
i. News Sources and their Popularities
ii. Limits of Censorship
b. Major Incidents Covered by the Media
i. My Lai Massacre
ii. The Tet Offensive
III. Impact of Television on War Coverage
a. Walter Cronkite: Most Influential Newscaster
i. CBS, ABC, NBC Battlefield Invasion
ii. February 27, 1968 News Broadcast
b. Lies and the Media
i. Westmoreland Scandal
ii. Media vs. Official Fact Discrepancies
IV. Other Media Influences and Results
a. Major Newspapers/Magazines
i. Newsweek
ii. TIME
iii. New York Times
b. National Media Depictions of Minorities
i. African Americans
ii. Asians
V. Effects of the Media in Modern Vietnam War Films
a. Emotional Catharsis
i. America’s Indefinite Commitment to the Media
ii. Reality versus Entertainment
b. Depiction of Veterans
i. Platoon
ii. The Viet Nam War Veterans Oral History Project
VI. Conclusion
a. Televisions
b. Newspapers
c. Feature
Films
SOCIAL IMPACTS OF THE MEDIA DURING THE VIETNAM WAR
Media
coverage during and after the Vietnam War displayed incongruence in data
collection, biased broadcasts, adulterated footage, and questionable
information that would ultimately turn America against the cause in Vietnam.
“It brought the ‘horror of war’ night after night into people’s living rooms
and eventually fired revulsion and exhaustion…any war reported in an
unrestricted way by television would eventually loose public support” (Hallin The Museum of Broadcast Communications, 1).
These sentiments of filtered facts and corrupt broadcasts during the war were
mirrored in the feelings of veterans and their portrayal in post-war films.
“[This same] lack of military assurance and moral certitude is expressed in
numerous Vietnam War films and other Hollywood stories” (Selig,
1). Overall, the growing American contingency on media coverage and the
constant exposure to the atrocities of war fervently evoked the American people
to oppose it. The Vietnam War was a controversial and consequential
international struggle manipulated by the media in television, print, and
films.
Coverage
of the Vietnam War pushed the limits farther than World War II, the only other
war fought during the growing dependence on televised news (Kattenburg,
2). Not only were the technologies in television promulgating change and
growth, people were gaining a sense of greater dependence on this media source.
The Roper Organization for Television Information conducted a survey in 1964
and 1972 (roughly at the beginning and ending of the war) to discover where
most people got their news information. “In 1964: 58% television, 56%
newspapers…in 1972, the last year Vietnam was a major news story…television led
newspapers 64% to 50%” (Hallin The Uncensored War,
106). This documented evidence lays a foundation as to why the Vietnam War
gained the popular title of the “Living Room War”. Michael Arlen coined this
term in 1965 after President Johnson sent a significant portion of American
Combat Troops over to Vietnam (Hallin The Museum
of Broadcast Communications, 1). His reasoning for calling the war the
“Living Room War” was the constant fixation of the American public on their
‘living room’ television set. They were exposed to all of the atrocities of war
up close and personal:
Each evening the
networks would show film of the fighting that was, at times, gruesome…the film
was neither censored nor subject to any systematic scrutiny by government…In
each night’s TV news and each morning’s paper the war was reported battle by
battle, but little or no sense of the underlying purpose of the fight was
conveyed…a serious demoralization of the homefront (Simon, 3).
Since
the media had free reign to air footage of any nature without heavy censorship,
the public was exposed to sights of the dead, wounded, and coffins being
unloaded (Simon, 2). Many viewers of the “Living Room War” remember specific
images illuminated in their memory. These images highlight intense showings of
human brutality, such as an image of a Viet Cong terrorist being beaten and
executed in a street in Saigon during daylight hours (Simon, 2). The main goal
of these brutal images was to invoke the American people with a ‘democratic
national identity’. These images did not highlight civilians being killed; they
focused only on the perseverance of the American spirit and the positives that
American interventions were bringing about (Selig,
1). Making sure that empathy for the American cause was displayed vicariously
on the news, was essential in maintaining support for the war:
If
the cameras denied the America cause, they could not depict the cause of the
faceless adversary who to the very end was generally ‘pictured’ by the press as
a fanatical, pitiless ideologue who had to be brutally dealt with because the
bloodbath would be far worse if and when the Americans left (Macclear, 227).
To achieve the desired effect of
this American patriotism, the media focused on several major incidents during
the war – most specifically the My Lai Massacre and the Tet Offensive. As
alluded to previously, the media felt the easiest and fastest way to evoke
emotion for these two events was to show intense and disturbing images of the
enemy. “The press, by its nature is rarely beloved – nor should that be its
aim. Too often it must be the bearer of bad tidings. Vietnam…conveyed vivid
scenes of domestic protest and battle field gore” (Henry, 3). In the My Lai
Massacre of March 1968, American soldiers slaughtered hundreds of Vietnamese
civilians (N/A, A1). Although this act may be deemed unnecessary or even cruel,
the televised broadcasts manipulated the coverage to valorize America’s
liberation of Communist territory:
The
unique nature of a television war…had been very much a two-edged sword. While television
measured the horrors of modern war, a democratic people measured what they saw
against what they knew of themselves, and a great many would believe the
merciless nature arose from the enemy (Macclear,
227).
Reports of the same caliber during
the My Lai Massacre, insinuated that the real story of the war was ‘American
boys in action’. They wanted to praise their troops for skillfully utilizing
technology in the war. They also wanted to praise their soldiers for their
consistent commitment to the cause ahead. This can be seen in their military
expeditions – one of which included a search-and-destroy mission to burn the
thatched huts of Vietnamese civilians (Hallin The
Museum of Broadcast Communications, 2). It should also be noted that prior
to the My Lai Massacre and the unwarranted glorification of American soldiers,
CBS and NBC increased their broadcasts from 15 minutes to 30 minutes in 1963 –
ABC followed suit in 1967 (Huebner, 2). This allowed for more coverage of
American soldiers and warranted the downfall of media support during the Tet
Offensive (N/A, A1):
In
1968, during the Tet Offensive, viewers of NBC News saw Colonel Nguyen Ngoc
Loan blow out the brains of his captive in a Saigon street. And in 1972, during
the North Vietnamese spring offensive, the audience witnessed the aftermath of
errant napalm strike, in which South Vietnamese planes mistook their own
fleeing civilians for North Vietnamese troops (Hallin The Museum of
Broadcast Communications, 1).
By the time the Tet Offensive became an active
agent in the war, the major broadcast journalists were growing less interested
in portraying the valiance of American troops. They wanted the American public
to understand their opinions after having been exposed to some of the most
dangerous and controversial warfront broadcasts of their career. A crew of
cameramen, soldiers, and executives along with a highly equipped Jeep dolly
escorted most journalists during battlefield reports. One famous journalist,
Walter Cronkite, was consistently embodied as a news anchor with an abundance
of information. His position as a major news broadcaster for the duration of
the Vietnam War kept him as a pivotal influence on people’s opinions. The
reports that Cronkite and other journalists did on location in Vietnam had a
special importance for American broadcast stations (Huebner, 3):
On Thursdays, the weekly casualty figures
released in Saigon would be reported, appearing next to the flags of the
combatants, and of course always showing a good ‘score’ for the Americans.
Television crews learned New York wanted ‘bang-bang’ footage…it was a dangerous
assignment: nine network personnel died in Indochina, and many more were
wounded (Hallin The Museum of Broadcast Communications, 2).
Walter Cronkite’s influences on the
American sentiments of the Vietnam War are best demonstrated in his February
27, 1968 broadcast. The show he hosted, ‘Report on Vietnam’, showed official
death counts that were ridiculously exaggerated to evoke great American
sentiment by adding dead civilians. As a news anchor, it was Cronkite’s job to
read these reports, however miscalculated they were (Cohen, 1). In his most
famous broadcast – Walter Cronkite said, “For it seems now, more certain than
ever, that the bloody experience of Vietnam is to end in stalemate” (Simon, 2).
This statement shocked viewers and it was deemed the first time a newscaster
influenced the end of a war (Hallin The Museum of Broadcast Communications,
2). News broadcasts, besides portraying personal journalist opinions, also
played host to discrepancies between government and mainstream media reports:
The
qualitative difference of accounts from official versus media sources…[stated
drastically different opinions about the importance of Vietnam. It was
considered a] sold/worthwhile ally (1961-1963), re-stabilizing after internal
turmoil (1963-1965), recovering (1965-1968), and capable of holding out
(1968-1972). Media accounts [stated] doubts to viability (1961-1963),
unraveling (1964-1965), weak (1965-1968), and not capable (1968-1972) (Kattenburg, 265).
Although this excerpt from
Kattenburg’s book is a vast generalization about the discrepancies between the
media and official reports, it gives insight into the existence of a
discrepancy. The crucial battles, My Lai and the Tet, also fell subject to
these incongruities. Early wire service reports grossly exaggerated successes
during the Tet Offensive and minimized defeats. When
the Tet occupied the Embassy Building, different wire
reports sent their respective companies inconsistent messages about victories
and losses (Herring, 191). The validity of these battle reports were either
proved to be false or later rephrased to indicate an alternate outcome
(Sheehan, 45). But these reports did not yield the intense fervor of the American
people, like the outcry against General Westmoreland’s policies during the
Vietnam War:
Televised
accounts of the bloody fighting in Saigon and Hue made a mockery of Johnson and
of Westmoreland’s optimistic year end reports, widening the credibility gap,
and cynical journalists openly mocked Westmoreland’s claims of victory
(Herring, 191).
In 1982, nearly 15 years after the
war ended, CBS started piecing together a documentary entitled The Uncounted Enemy: A Vietnam Depiction.
This documentary specifically targeted General Westmoreland, the former
commander of the American military forces, to be part of a conspiracy geared
toward misleading the public and President Johnson about the power and strength
of the Vietnamese forces. The host of this documentary, Mike Wallace,
interviewed Westmoreland and thoroughly embarrassed him on live television.
Westmoreland sued CBS for $120 million for the on-air conspiracy theories. “The
general did not win his suit, but he did not conspire either” (Sheehan 695). This
case brought mainstream attention to the validity of major broadcasting claims.
“Are reports scrupulously accurate, or will they reshape a quote, ignore a
fact, even concoct an anonymous ‘source’ in order to make a point? Why are
there so many leaks” (Henry, 3)?
While television had a more
significant popularity over other news sources, newspapers and magazines still
had their fair share of involvement in the Vietnam cause. “By 1965, there were
print journalists in Vietnam representing four magazines (Life, Look, Time, and Newsweek), two wire services (Associated Press and United States
International) and several newspapers…” (Huebner, 4).
Just as news broadcasters were interviewing men on the battlefield and
tabulating the losses and victories, magazine and newspaper writers followed
suit. “In April 1965, just a few weeks after American ground forces arrived in
Vietnam, Time ran a cover story
called ‘What’s in Viet Nam: A Gallery of American Combatants.’ The piece
emphasized professionalism, skill, and teamwork” (Huebner, 4). With the
constant antagonism from the media to note changes in the war, the written
media also showed disdain for the current situation in Vietnam:
A few
newspapers joined the New York Times
in warning of the cost of ‘lives lost, blood spilt, and treasure wasted, of
fighting a war on a jungle front 7,000 miles from the coast of California
(Herring, 133). A number of major metropolitan dailies shifted from support of
the war to opposition in 1967, and the influential Time-Life publications,
fervently hawkish at the outset, began to raise serious questions about the
administration’s policies (Herring, 174).
The change in sentiment towards the
war in the late 1960s did not stop the goal to regulate American opinions of
minorities in the war effort. Asians, particularly the Vietnamese, were
depicted as the enemy, falling susceptible to the evils of communism (Huebner,
3). African Americans however, post-Civil Rights Movement, appeared in the
press as dedicated, brave, skilled, committed, and able to do their duties as
American soldiers. In the past, these same soldiers were portrayed as
embittered veterans in a land that repulsed them (Huebner, 7). In the
discussion about ethnic stereotyping during the Vietnam War, it should also be
noted “the American public, though influenced by the media, appeared unwilling
to commit itself to an indefinite engagement for undefined ideas” (Kattenburg, 265).
But the Hollywood version of the
Vietnam War played host to a style, different than the one utilized in news
broadcasts. “Oscar Wilde, a literary figure of the nineteenth century, said
that when art develops a purpose it becomes propaganda. This is as good an
observation as can be made for the Vietnam War in film” (Puzzo,
2). John Puzzo, the creator of The Viet
Nam War Veterans Oral History Project, served in the 4th Infantry Division
during the war. Because of his personal history as a veteran, his opinions on
the Vietnam War films have immense credibility. “The impact Hollywood has had
on shaping the veteran cannot be downplayed…significant, corrosive,
hallucinatory, anti-war…anti-American, shameful, insulting, and not accidental”
(Puzzo, 2). The film industry had a steady stream of
Vietnam War related films decades after the war that manipulated historical
information for the purpose of conveying a story (Selig,
3). “This concern with authenticity should go beyond noting the obvious
distortions that are commonly mentioned, like the geographical distortions of The Green Berets or the cultural
distortions of The Deer Hunter” (Selig, 2).
One of the major distortions that
can be noted is the transformation from a major failure into a victory – at the
expense of mocking the government and the veterans of the war effort. “The
Hollywood Vietnam War film is Oedipal most significantly in the way it
constructs a male subject who progresses from innocence and adequacy to
knowledge and power” (Selig, 2). With the constant
influx of Hollywood special effects and movie script glamour, the majority of
veterans involved in The Viet Nam War
Veterans Oral History Project feel their history is being manipulated:
America
also had to endure the tap dance of murders, atrocities, toxic sergeants,
incompetent officers, and confused soldiers in Platoon (Best Picture Oscar 1986). It is a sumptuous feast for all
haters of ‘Viet Nam’…Platoon so
openly degrades the American soldier that a member of the Vietnamese Politburo,
Bui Tinh, openly praised it (Puzzo, 1).
One of the most impacting lines in a
film about the Vietnam War came from Hanoi
Hilton, where the commander of the Vietnamese prison camp says, “The real
war is in California, Washington DC, and America’s cities, and what you do not
win on the battlefield, your journalists will win for you on your doorstep”
(Puzzo, 2).
Television, newspapers, magazines,
and scripted films all made different speculations about the Vietnam War. In
the televised accounts of Vietnam, the “Living Room War” influenced a
generation of Americans on the atrocities of physical fighting in living color
(Hallin The Uncensored War, 106). The
increased involvement of the American people in the day to day fighting was
exampled in the My Lai Massacre and the Tet Offensive
– two of the most influential military strategies acted upon by Westmoreland.
Unfortunately, the unscrupulous media attacked Westmoreland for being a
conspirator during the Vietnam War – trying to keep important information from
President Johnson and the American people (Henry, 3).
With mirrored reports in the written
media, Americans were constantly being bombarded with questionable information.
The sources were truly inadequate in backing up specific ideals and generating
a unified cause to fight the spread of communism in Vietnam (Henry, 2). The
film industry, devoted only to entertaining the masses as opposed to upholding
historical accuracy, disgraced certain veteran organizations with their
portrayal of life in Vietnam during the war. Overall, the media’s involvement
in Vietnam not only influenced the outcome of the war – it changed the way wars
in the future would be addressed to the general public. “Satellite-born images
from jungle to family den, now produced a collective image: [Vietnam] was not
freedom’s plateau, but the folly of an older generation” (Macclear,
199).
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